HELENA, Mont. — A heated internal dispute is roiling the Montana Democratic Party just weeks before its June 2 primary, as rumors swirl that national donors and party insiders are quietly pushing to elevate independent Senate candidate Seth Bodnar over the eventual Democratic nominee. The controversy erupted publicly this month when Jason Boeshore, a grain-elevator manager from the state's eastern plains, fired off a message in a private Signal chat with the 23 other members of the state Democratic Party executive board. He urged leaders to publicly affirm support only for Democratic candidates in the fall elections, amid fears that big-money interests might steer the party toward backing Bodnar, a 47-year-old former University of Montana president running as an independent for the seat being vacated by Republican Sen. Steve Daines.
Shannon O’Brien, the state party chair, responded swiftly in the chat, asserting that her staff would handle messaging strategy and addressing the underlying suspicions head-on. “Listen if ANY of you EVER find yourselves questioning my intentions, please call me,” O’Brien wrote. “I will continue to move forward to get Democrats elected. There’s no hidden agenda.” But Boeshore and other party stalwarts remain unconvinced, viewing the feud as a clash between local loyalists and national, big-money Democrats who see Bodnar as the best shot at flipping the seat in a challenging midterm environment marked by President Trump’s waning popularity.
Bodnar, a Rhodes Scholar, Army veteran and moderate with a polished résumé, has drawn support from high-profile Democratic donors including LinkedIn co-founder Reid Hoffman, cryptocurrency investor Michael Novogratz, and Microsoft heir Rory Gates. These backers hope Bodnar can peel the Senate seat from the GOP by appealing to a broad swath of Montanans disillusioned with partisanship. Running as an independent, Bodnar has not shied away from critiquing Democrats, whose voters he needs to court. His campaign has raised $1.4 million in about a month through ActBlue, the Democratic fundraising platform, and focuses on Trump’s economic policies hurting the state alongside jabs at the “broken political system.”
The drama has ensnared the Democratic primary contenders, who are now openly accusing party leaders of potential manipulation to clear a path for Bodnar. Alani Bankhead, a former Air Force intelligence officer from Helena vying for the nomination, told The Appleton Times, “There is clearly manipulation trying to happen there.” Reilly Neill, considered the front-runner, expressed similar concerns, saying the state party must commit to not altering bylaws that mandate backing Democratic candidates “because the chatter is that they are going to because the money is too good to pass up.” Both candidates have pledged to aggressively challenge Bodnar if they secure the nomination.
Bodnar’s supporters argue he offers the strongest path to victory, drawing parallels to independents like Sens. Angus King of Maine and Bernie Sanders of Vermont, who caucus with Democrats despite lacking the label. Matt McKenna, a Bozeman-based Democratic strategist who has worked for the Clinton family and four winning Montana Democrats, stated, “For Democrats, Seth is the only viable alternative. Seth wins with a large majority of Democrats, a majority of Independents, and the Republicans who actually do show up and are sick of the partisan shitshow.” Bodnar’s campaign emphasizes his credentials: first in his class at West Point, a former Army Ranger-qualified Green Beret with Iraq deployments, and a General Electric executive who as university president reversed a six-year enrollment decline.
Yet skeptics within the party, including former Gov. Brian Schweitzer, warn that Bodnar’s independent bid could fracture the Democratic vote, handing the seat to the Republican. Schweitzer, a founder of the informal “Giddy Up Club” of Democratic operatives, said he had three phone calls with Bodnar before the announcement, urging him to run as a Democrat. When Bodnar refused, Schweitzer criticized the move. “No independent can win in Montana, given the significant share of Democrats who are going to vote the party line,” he told reporters. “The danger is that Bodnar splits the Democratic vote and the Republican sails through.” Republicans have cited an April internal poll showing Neill leading Bodnar in a hypothetical four-way general election.
Seth Bodnar is a pretty good guy, and I understand that he is a Rhodes Scholar,” Schweitzer said. “But he ain’t been on a lot of dirt roads in Montana, and that’s what it takes to get elected.
Bodnar’s spokesperson, Roy Loewenstein, a former state party spokesperson, countered the rural credentials jab by noting Bodnar’s military service. “Seth saw his share of dirt roads in Iraq, putting his life on the line for our country,” Loewenstein said. Bodnar’s platform includes support for abortion rights, opposition to tariffs, calls for congressional authorization before any U.S. force in Iran, and critiques of Democratic stances on issues like transgender athletes in sports and the “Defund the police” slogan. As a hunter, he opposes assault-weapons bans but favors red-flag laws. His advisers highlight bipartisan appeal, including endorsements from former Gov. Marc Racicot and strategist Reed Galen, both ex-Republicans opposed to Trump.
The intrigue traces back to January, when former Sen. Jon Tester, a three-term Democrat defeated in 2024, sent a prickly text suggesting support for an independent run, casting his party label as a liability from his last two races. “During my last two races the democratic Party was poison in my attempts to get re-elected,” Tester wrote in the message, which was widely reported by Montana media. Days later, Bodnar resigned as university president; weeks after, he launched his campaign, recruiting Tester’s former pollster, political director, and Loewenstein. Bodnar has joined forces with anti-Trump Republicans but remains coy on Senate caucusing, rejecting party-line voting. “I reject the notion that we have to accept a political system where you have to submit to a leader of a Party, vote the way you’re told, and engage in endless political warfare with the other side,” he stated in writing.
Rumors of deeper plots have fueled the party’s whisper network. Some former Tester and Schweitzer aides speculate about plans to convince the primary winner to drop out post-June 2, consolidating behind Bodnar. Stories circulate of a potential summer state party convention to skirt endorsing the nominee or leave the Democratic ballot line vacant. Erik Nylund, a former regional director for Tester, alleged, “It’s becoming clear the chair of the Montana Democratic Party isn’t acting in conjunction with her board and answers to dark-money special interests.” Other board members dismiss these as paranoia. State Senate Minority Leader Pat Flowers said, “Somebody has a fever dream that that is going to happen. I think there is a lot of hand-wringing and there is not any reality there.”
O’Brien has denied any such schemes, emphasizing unity amid opportunities like the open western Montana congressional seat following Rep. Ryan Zinke’s retirement. She pointed to strong turnout at “No Kings” rallies and an oversubscribed annual fundraising dinner. “As chair, I will support the Democratic nominee,” O’Brien said. “To my knowledge there is no intention to change the rules to allow for support of anyone else.” In response to the unrest, Democratic activists in mid-April began circulating a resolution to require appointing a replacement nominee within 72 hours if one drops out, clarifying ambiguous current rules.
Montana’s political landscape adds context to the chaos. Spanning 147,000 square miles with a population smaller than Louisville or El Paso, the state blends anti-corporate libertarianism with a history of Democratic success: holding at least one Senate seat from 1912 to 2024 and the governorship from 2005 to 2021. Barack Obama nearly won in 2008, losing by 11,000 votes, but Trump’s rise shifted dynamics—Kamala Harris drew 38% in 2024, contributing to Tester’s loss. Daines’s abrupt retirement announcement, minutes before the filing deadline and hours after Bodnar filed, left Republicans scrambling; his handpicked successor, former U.S. Attorney Kurt Alme, a political novice, is the sole GOP contender, reinforcing perceptions of national meddling.
“That stunt threw everything on both sides of the equation,” said Nancy Keenan, former state Democratic Party executive director. “Not only are Democrats in a snit, but Republicans are also in a snit.” The state’s libertarian bent—legal abortion, recreational marijuana, permitless concealed carry—has inspired experiments like failed 2024 ballot measures for ranked-choice voting and efforts by Democratic firm Fireweed Campaigns to elect moderate Republicans for a post-partisan legislature. In summer 2025, Fireweed pitched Democratic leaders in Anaconda on backing an independent for the House race, contingent on the nominee stepping aside—a tactic some now suspect in the Senate contest. Bodnar campaign staffer Tully Olson, formerly with Fireweed, was invited but did not attend, per campaign statements.
Republicans have pounced, with a super PAC tied to Senate Majority Leader John Thune airing ads attacking Bodnar over a transgender athlete competing under NCAA rules during his university tenure. Alex Latcham, the PAC’s leader, called Bodnar a registered Democrat from his 2012 Connecticut days—though Montana has no party registration—and dismissed independent pretenses. “It is laughable to suggest Seth Bodnar would not vote for Chuck Schumer to be majority leader,” Latcham said. Loewenstein retorted, “Laughing at Montanans who are fighting the broken politics of Washington is exactly what we’d expect.” Senate Democratic leaders have remained silent on Bodnar.
As the primary nears, the feud risks undermining Democratic chances in a state where independents and moderates hold sway. Bodnar’s backers see him as a unifier; detractors fear vote-splitting in a race drawing national attention and potentially hundreds of millions in out-of-state funds. With Republicans in disarray and Democrats divided, the November outcome could hinge on whether party faithful rally behind their nominee or quietly tilt toward the independent outsider. For now, O’Brien and others call for focus on shared goals, but the “Giddy Up Club” gossip persists in this frontier state of big personalities and bigger stakes.