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Blame John Howard for our housing and migration woes, says Amy Remeikis – but is he due some credit too?

By Rachel Martinez

6 months ago

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Blame John Howard for our housing and migration woes, says Amy Remeikis – but is he due some credit too?

A new book by Amy Remeikis blames former Australian Prime Minister John Howard's policies for contemporary issues like the housing crisis and migration challenges, while a review acknowledges some credits like the GST but urges balanced empathy. The work reignites debate on Howard's 1996-2007 legacy amid ongoing policy discussions.

In the three decades since John Howard swept to power in Australia, ending 13 years of Labor government under Paul Keating, a new book has reignited debate over his legacy. Titled Where it All Went Wrong: The Case Against John Howard, the work by Amy Remeikis, former Guardian political reporter and now chief political analyst at The Australia Institute, argues that many of the nation's current social and economic challenges trace their roots back to Howard's policies from 1996 to 2007. Published by Scribner, the book comes at a time when issues like skyrocketing housing prices and strained migration systems dominate public discourse, prompting questions about whether Howard's era set the stage for today's crises.

Remeikis, in her analysis, points to Howard's rejection of Keating's vision for a culturally diverse Australia—one that included reconciliation with Indigenous peoples, a shift toward republicanism, and stronger ties with Asia—as a pivotal turning point. Instead, Howard promoted a concept of One Australia, which Remeikis contends rejected multiculturalism and opposed a treaty with Aboriginal Australians. This approach, she writes, "laid the foundations for Pauline Hanson’s One Nation Party, and the Liberal Party’s pull to the right on immigration and multiculturalism." Howard's influence, according to the book, has endured, with subsequent Liberal leaders adopting his playbook without fresh ideas, contributing to what Remeikis describes as a "dismal decade" of policy stagnation.

One of the book's central critiques focuses on the housing crisis, which Remeikis links directly to decisions made under Howard and his treasurer, Peter Costello. In 2000, the government halved the capital gains tax and later permitted superannuation funds to invest in residential property, transforming homes from mere shelter into lucrative assets. "This turned housing from shelter to an investment asset," Remeikis writes. "It created a landlord class and priced young people without access to family capital out of home ownership." Today, she notes, it is impossible for a sole earner on the average national wage to afford a house in any Australian capital city without external support, fueling widespread anger over what has become a national emergency.

The irony, as Remeikis highlights, is that while younger generations struggle, existing homeowners have benefited. Howard himself reportedly remarked that "no one complained to him about the value of their house increasing." This sentiment underscores a divide that persists: the Liberal Party is now preparing to resist any reduction in the capital gains tax discount proposed by Treasurer Jim Chalmers for the May budget. Treasury is also examining limits on negative gearing, potentially restricting it to just two investment properties, measures that could address the imbalances Remeikis attributes to Howard-era reforms.

Beyond housing, the book sweeps through a broad array of policy domains, including culture wars, race relations, Indigenous rights, asylum seeker treatment, migration, privatization, economic management, industrial relations, wages, welfare, and foreign policy. On Indigenous issues, Remeikis criticizes Howard's refusal to apologize to the Stolen Generations for the forced removal of Aboriginal children, a stance that symbolized broader resistance to reconciliation efforts. She also details Howard's handling of the 2001 MV Tampa incident, where he denied permission for the Norwegian freighter's captain to land 433 rescued asylum seekers, despite international maritime law. "Australia’s harsh and often cruel treatment of refugees begins with Howard," Remeikis asserts, noting that this policy cast a long shadow over subsequent governments.

Migration policies under Howard present another layer of complexity. Even as he toughened asylum measures—such as detaining refugees on offshore islands—the overall migration intake doubled from 1996 to 2007, according to Remeikis. This expansion, she argues, challenged Howard's vernacular nationalism, which celebrated Australian mateship, the Anzac legend, and figures like cricketer Don Bradman. At the turn of the century, such appeals resonated widely, but with 31.5% of Australia's population now born overseas, they hold less sway. The recent collapse of the Liberal Party's vote in metropolitan areas, particularly among Chinese and Indian Australians, partly stems from this shift, Remeikis suggests.

Foreign policy receives sharp scrutiny in a chapter titled “America’s Bitch,” where Remeikis contrasts Howard's alignment with the United States—following it into the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq—with Keating's push for a more independent Australia. This commitment, she contends, prioritized alliance over autonomy, reshaping the nation's global posture for decades. On domestic fronts like education and welfare, Howard's push toward privatization exacerbated inequalities, while industrial relations changes suppressed wages, contributing to today's economic pressures.

Not all assessments of Howard's tenure are as unforgiving as Remeikis'. In a review published on The Conversation, academic and commentator Judith Bessant acknowledges the book's compelling case but argues that Howard deserves credit for key reforms. Chief among these is the introduction of the Goods and Services Tax (GST) in 2000, a consumption tax that reduced reliance on income taxation. "This was not as comprehensive as it might have been, had the Australian Democrats not insisted on various exemptions to pass the bill in the senate—but it was nevertheless a major reform," Bessant writes. She also cautions that Remeikis sometimes overattributes decisions to Howard alone, overlooking the roles of other influential figures in his government.

Bessant praises Remeikis for highlighting Howard's adept use of power, suggesting that the current Labor government under Anthony Albanese could learn from his effectiveness. However, she critiques the book for occasionally mirroring the divisiveness it condemns, positioning tertiary-educated urban dwellers as an implicit "us" against Howard's supporters as "them." "If we are to build a less rancorous, less polarised society, empathy has to go both ways," Bessant concludes in her review.

The timing of Remeikis' book, nearly 30 years after Howard's 1996 victory, coincides with ongoing debates about his enduring impact. His government's economic deregulation built on the Hawke-Keating era's foundations, but Remeikis argues it veered into policies that prioritized short-term gains over long-term equity. For instance, the failure to advance Closing the Gap initiatives for Indigenous Australians remains a sore point, with disparities in health, education, and employment persisting today.

Pauline Hanson's 1996 maiden speech in parliament, decrying Asian migration and special treatment for Aboriginal people, went unchallenged by Howard, a moment Remeikis uses to illustrate the rise of right-wing populism. This event, occurring just after Howard's election, helped spawn One Nation, which continues to influence Australian politics. Remeikis' detailed recounting of these episodes draws on archival material that may be unfamiliar to younger readers who were children during Howard's era.

As Australia grapples with these legacies, the book's release has sparked discussions in policy circles and media outlets. The Australia Institute, Remeikis' current employer, has long advocated for progressive reforms, including overhauls to housing and tax systems. Meanwhile, Liberal figures defend Howard's record, emphasizing economic stability and the GST's role in funding essential services. Treasurer Chalmers' upcoming budget decisions could test these tensions, potentially revisiting Howard-era tax incentives amid calls for affordability measures.

Looking ahead, Remeikis warns that without reckoning with Howard's influence, Australia risks perpetuating cycles of inequality and division. The growing diversity of the population, with diaspora communities reshaping cultural norms, challenges outdated national narratives. Bessant's review echoes this by urging a balanced view that fosters empathy across divides. As the nation approaches the 2025 federal election, Howard's shadow looms large, prompting voters to weigh his successes against the problems his policies allegedly sowed.

In Sydney, Melbourne, and other capitals where housing affordability bites deepest, residents echo Remeikis' concerns. Community groups and economists have cited similar figures: median house prices now exceed 10 times the average wage in major cities, a stark departure from pre-2000 norms. Officials from the Reserve Bank of Australia have linked investment incentives to this boom, aligning with the book's thesis without directly naming Howard.

Ultimately, Where it All Went Wrong positions Howard as a transformative figure whose changes outlasted many modern politicians. Whether his legacy is one of shrewd governance or foundational flaws remains contested, but the debate it has ignited underscores the relevance of history to Australia's present challenges.

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